In Cartographic Encounters,
Short uses the terms “cartographic encounter” and “symbiotic
destruction” to describe the relationship between Native Americans
and the Europeans who relied on them for geographic information. As
his terms suggest, Short is eager to both emphasize the agency of
native people in the European “discovery” and “exploration' of
the territory that eventually became the United States, and make
clear that this information ultimately contributed to the demise of
North America's indigenous populations. Short suggests that while
initially the exchange of geographic information for trade goods
benefited Native Americans, in the long run, their geographic
knowledge helped the United States to dominate territory and
eventually cast aside their indigenous interlocutors.
Short's
argument covers a lot of chronological ground in order to make the
case for this last part of his argument. But I would have appreciated
a more in-depth look at some of the cartographic encounters Short
describes. Short might, for example, have paid more explicit
attention to the power dynamics at work in an encounter between La
Salle's men and a band of Illinois, from who La Salle's men have just
stolen corn (43). The episode, in Short's words shows on the one hand
“the Illnois hoped to benefit materially and position themselves
better geopolitically against their traditional enemies” while La
Salle's men “in return received much-needed food that enabled them
to survive the winter and much-needed spatial information that
allowed them to plan their travels” (43). For all his claims to
deconstruct his European/American sources, Short takes his source
here at face value, and never raises the question of whether La
Salle's men could, or did, make good on their promise to the
Illinois.
The
term “cartographic encounter” loses much of its usefulness when
Short fails to examine the relationships of power in an encounter or
exchange like the one between La Salle and the Illinois. But Sharp
also uses the term to describe a confusing array of situations. In
Cartographic Encounters it
refers not only to chance encounters and verbal transfers of
geographic information like this one, but also to expeditions where
Native Americans were paid participants in expeditions, and when
European and American explorers were guided by trails and roads.
These all seem like interesting instances in which to consider the
transfer of geographic knowledge, but Short doesn't differentiate
between such instances, or consider how the motives for giving
duplicitous directions to a passing expedition might differ from the
motives for participating in a expedition as a guide.
In
Cartographic Encounters,
I'm frustrated to see such interesting evidence treated in a cursory
fashion, but I'm not sure a more fully theorized treatment of this
kind of evidence offers up answers that are any more satisfying. In
his chapter “The Confines of the Colony: Boundaries, Ethnographic
Landscapes, and Imperial Cartography in Iberoamerica” Neil Safier,
like Short, argues that indigenous people in colonial Brazil “did
provide knowledge that influenced European spatial understanding in a
region that had once been the natives' exclusive domain” (181). But
much of Safier's argument hinges around a single account of an Indian
who drew a map, which might have been incorporated into a more formal
imperial representation. It's a tantalizing glimpse, and I for one am
fascinated by the prospect of reexamining colonial sources for
unexpected evidence of indigenous influence. But I'm also wary of the
enormous claims both Safir and Short seem willing to attribute to a
smattering of incidences.
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