Mercury, Mining, and Empire: The
Human and Ecological Cost of Colonial Silver Mining in the Andes
weaves together global and local stories of Spain's conquest in South
America. Historian Nicholas A. Robins connects the demand for silver
from New Spain with the very local environmental affects of silver
and mercury mining on two towns in present day Bolivia and Peru.
Robins characterizes his book as “a socio-ecological history which
explores the noxious interrelationships between mercury and silver
production, urban environments, and the people who lived and worked
in them” (4).
In the late sixteenth century, the
administrators of Spain's empire in South America increased the
colony's output of silver by implementing an ancient refining
technique at an industrial scale. Mercury and silver were mined,
combined, and refined to keep up with global demand for silver. Much
of the raw materials (silver and mercury) necessary for these
processes cane from two towns, Huancavelica and PotosÃ.
Robins uses twenty-first century
weather models to demonstrate the far-reaching affects of the
poisonous refining process. Based on historical data from Spanish
colonial sources, Robins' analysis suggests not only that the impact
of a mercury-based refining process was incredibly toxic – though
it certainly was – but also that mercury poisoning had a greater
impact on indigenous populations because of the proximity of mills
and mines to indigenous communities, and that each town's reputation
for violence may well have been in part due to the side effects of
widespread mercury poisoning.
The balance of the book details the
system of recruitment for forced labor, the mita,
in the mines and refining mills, and the intersecting networks
of economic exploitation by priests and Spanish landlords, who forced
Indians to pay for religious services and buy unwanted Spanish goods
in the reparto market. The
combined effects of depopulation and internal migration to escape
forced labor, European disease, and mercury poisoning, decimated
Indian communities.
Much
of Robin's previous work has dealt with genocide, and Robins
incorporates a discussion of genocide into his discussion of the
decimation of Indian communities that accompanied mercury and silver
mining in the final chapter of the book. Robins suggests that the
policies of Viceroy Francisco de Toledo, who put these policies place
to increase the production of silver in the Andes, make de Toledo
“genocidier extraordinaire”
because of their ultimate impact on the destruction of indigenous
communities.
As an
Americanist and a public historian, I don't have a good grasp of how
widely the argument of empire-as-genocide is accepted in the
historiography of Spanish South America. But the constellation of
factors, human and natural, that Robins wrestles with in Mercury,
Mining and Empire is tricky, and
this reader would have appreciated a clearer distinction between the
genocidal effects of European disease on indigenous populations and
the Spanish policies of forced labor and religious conversion.
When
Robins writes that the impact of forced labor to support silver
mining “paled in comparison to those wrought by disease, especially
in the lowlands and coast” (193), it's hard to know how seriously
we should take his argument about empire-as-genocide, at least as it
relates to mining. I'm willing to concede that Spanish demand for
silver, and forced labor policies clothed in token allusions to
“civilizing” the Indian add up to the wholesale destruction of
indigenous populations and lifeways. But the application of genocide
– a politically volatile concept coined in the twentieth century –
requires considerably more unpacking than Robins allows in Mercury
Mines and Empire.
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